Amid the accumulated crises plaguing Syria and under the weight of political and societal divisions that have affected the structure of the state and community, the need has never been greater to reframe the Syrian national contract on new foundations—one that ends decades of exclusion and marginalization and paves the way for a just, democratic, pluralistic, and federal state that embraces all its citizens without discrimination.

The experiences of diverse peoples have confirmed that the unity of nations is not built on coercion or denial but on recognition and mutual respect. Syria, with its history and present, is not a state of a single nationality, culture, or creed, but a country rich in diversity, where Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Assyrians, Turkmen, and Circassians coexist, just as Muslims, Christians, Yazidis, Alawites, and Druze are woven into a single fabric that has been torn by authoritarian centralized policies but remains repairable if there is the will to do so.

Transitioning from a Security State to a State of Citizenship

Emerging from the tunnel of war and destruction cannot occur without re-defining the nature of the Syrian state. The state must be rebuilt on constitutional principles that explicitly recognize ethnic and religious diversity and guarantee equal rights for all components without discrimination or privilege. Citizenship is not merely a slogan; it is a partnership contract reflected in every article of the constitution, in every institution of governance, in wealth and power distribution, in empowering women and youth, and in respecting public and individual freedoms.

The envisioned Syrian state is not one reduced to a centralized singular authority but a decentralized, participatory state that ensures justice in development and breaks the hegemony that has long been imposed on the peripheries and components. This requires a comprehensive review of administrative divisions, ensuring everyone's participation in shaping the constitution, and representing them in a national unity government with real powers.

Kurds as Partners in the Homeland... Not Marginal Guests

Amid this comprehensive national vision, the Kurdish issue emerges as a decisive test of good intentions. The Kurds, who constitute the second-largest ethnicity in the country, have never been on the margins of Syrian history; rather, they have been part of its resilient fabric, making significant sacrifices in the struggle against tyranny and the fight against terrorism.

What the Kurds propose today is neither separation nor a departure from the national front, as some would like to portray, but a legitimate and overdue demand for recognition of their existence as an indigenous people, with their own language, culture, and history, deserving to be treated as equal citizens in rights and duties.

The recognition of the Kurdish language and the assurance of its education and official use alongside the Arabic language is not a cultural luxury but a legal and moral entitlement. The representation of Kurds in state institutions and the integration of their regions into a cohesive administrative unit within a federal state framework is the real path to their full integration, not marginalization or the obliteration of their identity.

Rejecting Racist Policies and Compensating Victims

The policies practiced against the Kurds over decades—from the Arab belt to Arabization projects, to the revocation of nationality, and deprivation of education in their language—must be completely abolished, victims compensated, and matters returned to their historical and legal standing. Furthermore, the return of displaced persons from Sere Kaniye (Ras al-Ain), Girê Spî (Tal Abyad), and Afrin is not only a humanitarian right but also a true test of the sincerity of the parties in ending forced demographic change.

National Dignity is Indivisible

It is regrettable that "separatist" accusations are directed at those who demand their rights in a free and democratic homeland. The Kurds did not take up arms against the state, but against those who sought to plunge it into tyranny or extremism. Supporting their rights does not mean dividing the country; rather, it means rebuilding it on the foundations of pluralism and justice.

The strength of Syria lies in its voluntary unity, not in coerced unity. It is in the respect of its components, not in their denial. Unless the Kurds—and others—are recognized as true partners in the homeland, discussions of national unity will remain hollow rhetoric that cannot withstand the first test.

Towards a New Syria

It is time for Syria to reconcile with itself, to open its doors to all, and to close the chapters of exclusion and discrimination. The homeland is not built on the ruins of others, but by their hands. What the Kurds seek is nothing more than a homeland that embraces them as it embraces others—a homeland that does not force them to choose between their Syrian identity and their ethnic identity, but acknowledges both together and transforms diversity from a curse into a source of strength.  

Mahin Shekhani